Wednesday, April 18, 2012

The Soldier, the State and the Media - Nitin Gokhale

(About the Author - This piece was written on 06 April 2012 by Nitin Gokhale. Multi-tasking as author, teacher, journalist, student of conflicts and wars; currently Security and Strategic Affairs Editor with NDTV. Despite three decades of experience across mediums--print, web and broadcast, the hunger for news hunting is still undiminished. )
My gratitude to the author for permitting me to share this. The original link is here The Soldier, the State and the Media

In my three decades of reporting on the Indian military, I have never felt more uneasy about the military-media interface as I have in the past three months. Not because the media has been accused of being sensationalist or because many unsavoury truths about internal rivalry and groupism in the military brass has created bad blood in the top hierarchy.

My unease stems from the damage that events of the past few months have inflicted on the average Indian soldier. While all dramtis personae are equally culpable in the current controversy, we in the media certainly have a greater responsibility not to add fuel to the fire.

For at least a quarter century now, we have been lamenting the steadily diminishing status of the ordinary Indian soldier in the society.; that soldering is no longer respected as a nobel profession in our rural areas; that the jawan struggles to get his due from the civil administration increasingly contemptuous and apathetic towards him; that he continues to get poorly paid and unfairly treated by a society solely driven by materialism.

Now, following a spate of reports based on half-truths and outright lies, motivated by God alone knows what, we may have done the ultimate disservice to the Indian soldier: planted the seed of suspicion about his loyalty in the minds of ordinary Indians. While I will defend the right of every media person to report what he or she thinks is right, I am afraid none of us has thought through the consequences of the effect it will have on the psyche of the Indian soldier and more importantly the way ordinary Indians will view the Indian Army.

In the mad race to boost our circulation and viewer ratings, we may have, in one go, started the process of demolishing one last institution that has stood rock solid in defence of idea that is India. For the first time in my now reasonably longish career in journalism, I feel like hiding from my friends in the military. I feel we have not paused to think of the long-term damage we have wrought upon the profession of soldiering. I say this because from disaster relief in floods, tsunami, and earthquakes to rescuing infant Prince from a deep tube well and from quelling rioters in communal strife to being the last resort in internal CI operations, the Indian Army has been omnipresent. It is, what I call, India’s Brahmaastra (the ultimate weapon).

The versatility, adaptability, selfless attitude and resourcefulness of the Indian Army has allowed it to be what it is today: Nation Builders. And viewed in the context of India’s immediate and extended neighbourhood, its stellar role stands out in stark contrast to its counterparts in other countries. Remember, Indian and Pakistani Armies originated from the same source, the British Army and yet, six decades since they parted ways, there couldn’t be a bigger dissimilarity in the way the two have evolved. As they say, India has an Army while the Pakistani Army has a nation! More importantly, despite India’s increasing dependence on the Army to pull its chestnuts out of fire time and again, the Indian Army has scrupulously remained apolitical.

The contribution of the Indian Army in nurturing and strengthening democracy—with all its faults—can never be underestimated. It has put down fissiparous and secessionist forces within India with great cost to itself over these 60 years. It has protected India from within and without. The Indian army also has a unique distinction of helping create a nation (Bangladesh) in the neighbourhood and then quietly walking away to let the people take charge. By contrast, the Pakistani Army has never really allowed democracy to flourish in its country. Instead, it has created a military-industrial complex that has spread its tentacles in every aspect of governance. Even today, the Pakistani army does not let go of any opportunity to undercut democracy; it nurtures and treats jihadi elements as its strategic asset against India and the United States. Even in other smaller nations around India—Nepal, Myanmar and Bangladesh, for instance—the armed forces have had to intervene and run the affairs of those countries at some point.

The Army has also withstood systematic assault on its status from politicians and bureaucrats who are forever looking for ways to downgrade the military’s status. While the principle of civilian supremacy over the armed forces is well entrenched and understood in India, what is incomprehensible is the constant chipping away at the military’s standing. The nation as a whole and indeed the people at large have the highest regard and affinity for the men in uniform for the yeoman service they render in every conceivable situation, but most mandarins in the MoD and some of the politicians do not have the same opinion and are repeatedly trying to run down the military without realising the immense damage they cause to the only available bulwark we have against any attempt to Balkanise India. Now unfortunately, even we in the media seem to have joined these ill-informed and devious bunch of opportunists.

As former Chief of Army Staff, Gen S Padmanabhan says in his book, A General Speaks: Even after Independence, India’s political leaders found it convenient to keep the Army, Navy and the Air Force out of the ‘policy’ making bodies. The service HQs were left at the level that the British left them—that of being ‘attached offices,’ of the MoD. Even at the level of Defence Minister and Service Chiefs, exchanges on major matters of Defence policy were few and far between…”

Another former Army Chief, Gen Shankar Roy Choudhury has observed: “It is… essential in the national interest that the armed forces are upgraded and updated on an ongoing basis, something which governments have been traditionally loath to acknowledge and undertake, the Indian government perhaps more so than others in this respect.

”Historically, it is to the credit of the Indian Army that it has fulfilled its role as an organ of the state…It has functioned effectively in every type of role, in spite of the general lack of a supportive government environment by way of adequate finances, resources, equipment, personnel policies, or higher political direction.”

A nation’s military provides what is called a ‘hard-edged’ backup to its international standing. A strong military and especially a powerful, well-trained, fully equipped army act as a deterrent against adversaries. It is therefore essential that the nation’s decision-makers consciously back the Army and provide it with the support that it needs to meet diverse challenges that exist and are likely to come up in the coming decade. So far, the Indian Army has fulfilled its role in nation building admirably well. All of us, ordinary citizens, media persons, politicians, bureaucrats, must continue to back the nation’s strongest asset and further strengthen it, if we desire to see India as a global player in the decades to come.

Centuries ago, Kautilya, the wily old strategist told king Chandragupta why the soldier is important for the survival of the Kingdom. If India has to survive as a nation-state, this advice (reproduced from a piece written by Air Marshal SG Inamdar for the USI Journal) is worth repeating in its entirety here. As the learned Air Marshal says:” It is amazing how clearly those ancients saw the likely fault lines in governance, the intricacies of management of the military by the state functionaries, the nature of the military and the citizenry and the close interplay between them all. It is truly amazing how those observations continue to be so completely relevant today, even after 2000 years.”

Here’s what Kautilya told the king of Magadh:

Kautilya
“The Mauryan soldier does not himself the Royal treasuries enrich nor does he the Royal granaries fill.
He does not himself carry out trade and commerce nor produce scholars, thinkers, littérateurs, artistes, artisans, sculptors, architects, craftsmen, doctors and administrators.
He does not himself build roads and ramparts nor dig wells and reservoirs.
He does not himself write poetry and plays, paint or sculpt, nor delve in metaphysics, arts and sciences.
He does not do any of this directly as he is neither gifted, trained nor mandated to do so.

The soldier only and merely ensures that:-
The tax, tribute and revenue collectors travel far and wide unharmed and return safely;
The farmer tills, grows, harvests, stores and markets his produce unafraid of pillage & plunder;
The trader, merchant and moneylender function and travel across the length and breadth of the realm unmolested;
The savant, sculptor, painter, maestro and master create works of art, literature, philosophy, astronomy and astrology in peace & quietitude;
The architect designs and builds his Vaastus without tension;
The tutor (‘acharya’), the mentor (‘guru’) and the priest (‘purohit’) teach and preach in tranquility;
The sages (‘rishis, munis, and tapaswees’) meditate and undertake penance in wordless silence;
The doctor (‘vaidyaraja’) tends to the ill and the infirm well, adds to the pharmacopoeia, discovers new herbs and invents new medical formulations undisturbed;
The mason, the bricklayer, the artisan, the weaver, the tailor, the jeweller, the potter, the carpenter, the cobbler, the cowherd (‘gopaala’) and the smith work unhindered;
The mother, wife and governess go about their chores and bring up children in harmony and tranquility;
The aged and the disabled are well taken care of, tended to and are able to fade away gracefully and with dignity; cattle graze freely without being lifted or harmed by miscreants.

He is thus the VERY BASIS and silent, barely visible CORNERSTONE of our fame, culture, physical well-being and prosperity; in short, of the entire nation building activity. He DOES NOT perform any of these chores himself directly: he ENABLES the rest of us to perform these without let, hindrance or worry (‘nirbhheek and nishchinta’).

Our military sinews, on the other hand, lend credibility to our pronouncements of adherence to good Dharma, our goodwill, amiability and peaceful intentions towards all our neighbour nations (‘sarve bhavantu sukhinaha, sarve santu niramayaha…’) as also those far away and beyond. These also serve as a powerful deterrent against military misadventure by any one of them against us.

If Pataliputra reposes each night in peaceful comfort, O King, it is so because she is secure in the belief that the distant borders of Magadha are inviolate and the interiors are safe and secure, thanks to the mighty Mauryan Army constantly patrolling and standing vigil with naked swords and eyes peeled for action (‘animish netre’), day and night (‘ratrau-divase’), in weather fair and foul, dawn-to-dusk-to-dawn (‘ashtau prahare’), quite unmindful of personal discomfort and hardship, loss of life and limb, separation from the family, all through the year, year after year (‘warsha nu warshe’).

While the Magadha citizenry endeavours to make the State prosper and flourish, the Mauryan soldier guarantees that the State continues to EXIST! He is the silent ’sine qua non’ of our very being!”


Can we all—people in uniform, civil services, politics, media and society at large– imbue this spirit?

Monday, April 16, 2012

A Letter to the 'Fiction Writer' of 04 Apr 2012

About the Author - M.G. Devasahayam has diverse experience of serving in the Indian Army, Government (IAS), Corporate Sector, partaking in democratic process reforms, pursuing advocacy of public causes in the voluntary sector. His professional expertise is in the areas of Urban Development, Utility Management (Public Transport, Electricity), accountability and governance in public services.

"How The Indian Army stood by Democracy during the dark days of Emergency "

Dear Shekhar Gupta,

I recall the days when I was the District Commissioner of Chandigarh in the mid-seventies and you were a cub reporter with THE TRIBUNE. You then had idealism with fire in your belly. I had taken you as my younger brother and had presided over your registered marriage, the only time I performed this duty which is delegated to Executive Magistrates. You then rose fast and became a clebrity in the media. Except for odd telephonic conversations there was no contact between us. Even this contact was lost when you became a super-celebrity and I could not even reach you over phone.

Be that as it may, after reading the special story written by you in today's Indian Express insinuating coup attempt by the Indian Army led by a fine soldier called VK Singh all I can say is that I am ashamed of having ever known you.

I would not depart without reproducing a brief passage below:

The critical role played by the Indian Army in protecting and defending India’s democracy during the dark days of Emergency (26th June, 1975 – 21st March, 1977) has been candidly brought out in the Book “'JP Movement, Emergency and India's Second Freedom': (Publisher VITASTA, ISBN 978-93-80828-61-9, October 2011 - Author M.G.Devasahayam)”, which was written in the context of the National Emergency and the role played by Jayaprakash Narayan (who was my prisoner for nearly six months) in restoring democracy. Herewith are some of the extracts:

“During the 20 months of active Emergency, people moved in hushed silence, stunned and traumatised by the draconian goings on. Across the nation, grovelling academicians, advocates and accountants vied with each other to sing paeans of glory to the Emergency rulers, some signing pledges of loyalty and servitude in blood! Whisky-swilling and pipe-smoking social climbers and sycophants chanted in unison, “Discipline is preferable to democracy,” just because trains were running on time and they got a parking lot at the Connaught Place! The bulk of the civil service crawled when asked to bend. The higher echelons of the judiciary bowed to the dust and decreed that under the Emergency regime, citizens did not even have the “right to life”. Politicians of all hue and colour, barring honourable exceptions, lay supine and prostrate. There was gloom all around and it looked as if every thing was over and the world’s largest democracy was slowly but surely drifting into dictatorship. "

What changed the tide is best described in a long investigative article titled “Ruler of 600 million and alone – Indira Gandhi is unmaking a democracy ‘to save it’ and looking to exchange moral authority for bread” in the TIME magazine of August 11,1975, written by Claire Sterling, regular columnist for Atlantic Monthly, Washington Post and International Herald Tribune, who had recently visited India.

“Indira Gandhi is perhaps more powerful than ever before, but she is also more alone. There is no one left to share with her the blame of the regime’s failings, no one of any stature to partake with her the task of running her vast benighted nation.

So desperately isolated has she become, so driven into new repressions that cut off her line of retreat, that the dynamics of staying on top may well push her into becoming a real dictator. And, though she is not the woman to make India anyone’s satellite if she can help it, her increasing dependence on Moscow and the Communists could send the country lurching into the Soviet orbit. Neither development is likely to leave the Indian Army unmoved. And that is perhaps the crux of the situation. India’s standing Army of nearly a million men has been resolutely non-political since Independence. But it is also sensitive to the smallest slight to its honour, dignity and military independence, not to mention the nation’s sovereignty; and it is steeped in loyalty to constitutional principles. It was altogether her Army when she enjoyed unquestioned legitimacy of constitutional rule. It may not be should its ranking officers conclude that she has become something else. More than ever now, her fate hangs on the Army’s loyalty.”

Taking a direct hit at Indira, the author concludes: “Someone once told me, as I was traveling around India, that the one thing worse than trying to govern the country by democratic persuasion would be trying to govern it by force. Yet that is how Indira is trying to do it now. Depending on how fast and how far she goes in changing from a traditional Prime Minister to the one-woman ruler of a police state, the Indian Army – the one group with the power to stop the process – could intervene. If it were to do so, it would almost certainly be not to replace her with a military dictator, but to restore the institutions (of democracy) it has been drilled into defending since birth.”
[Comment : Claire Sterling is 'better informed' about the Indian Army than the 'fiction writer' of 04 Apr 2012 !!]

You have insinuated that such an Army had attempted a coup. Can there be a worse form of betrayal? God alone knows what your motives are? Yet may God bless you.

With anguish in my heart, I am copying this to some of your colleagues and some others for whatever it is worth.

Friday, April 13, 2012

Devil's Advocate - Kunal Verma

This is an email written by Kunal Verma to Karan Thapar regarding his 01 April 2012 interview with Brijesh Mishra. Don't miss the punch line!

Dear Mr Thapar,

Personally, I've always disliked your rather offensive way of interviewing people, but then that's been your manner and we do get all sorts. Your interview with Brajesh Mishra on the 1st of April, however, was perhaps the worst form of journalism that I've seen in recent times. Forget about what the Hon'ble Mr Mishra was saying, it was YOU who was leading him on. Apart from the fact that your entire stance is motivated (what's it like to bat for the Brit's Old boy and all that sort of thing!), YOU Mr Thapar, are guilty of one of the biggest crimes in my book - attempting to destroy the Institutional Integrity of the Indian Army by attacking its chief. You don't need me to tell you that your entire interview is based on concocted premises and lies that have been floated around ever since this entire 'Age Issue' was manufactured by the powers that be, simply because you know that as well as anybody else. You've been dishonest at every stage - the choice of the man you chose to interview, your misuse of the platform that you have, and perhaps even more importantly, you should have had the discerning ability to sieve through the campaign of vilification that has been unleashed over the last few months.

Like You, I was also born into the army. Like You, my father too was a General. Like You, I am a product of the same school that you went to.

I may be an insignificant fly compared to the likes of You, Brajesh Mishra and all the others who are today hurling accusations against the General. As an author and a film maker I've been associated with the Army, Navy and Air Force for the last two and a half decades. Even though you are a seasoned television journalist who is known to rip people apart, I'm willing to sit across the table and answer each and every accusation of yours. I have with me the original file on Exercise Lal Qila and have been on the ground where each and every bloody battle took place in 1962 when your father was the COAS. I'm willing to risk your sneering condescending manner and answer all your questions. My only condition being that the last question of our discussion will be who has been the worst Chief of the Indian Army ever.

Kunal Verma

Repair the Ramparts - Admiral (Retd) Arun Prakash

About the Author - Admiral (Retd) Arun Prakash, PVSM, AVSM, VrC, VSM is one of India's most decorated Naval Officers. In the 1971 Indo-Pak War, Lieutenant Prakash flew Hawker Hunter aircraft for the 20th Squadron Lightnings. For his gallantry in air action over West Pakistan and Jammu and Kashmir, he received the Vir Chakra. He has served as the Chief of Naval Staff and Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee from 31 July 04 to 31 October 06. He is also one of my most favourite Admirals ever.

Corruption in the armed forces is merely the symptom of a cancer embedded in our polity

1. Shekhar Gupta’s gallant attempt (‘Ministry of Indefensible’, Indian Express, March 31) to salvage the sullied reputation of the armed forces, after the recent media-battering it has received, was as commendable as it was unexpected. Sadly, the damage done to a grand edifice, and the wound inflicted on the psyche, self-esteem and esprit de corps of a million-and-a-half young officers, soldiers, sailors and airmen go deep and may not mend soon. Equally mortifying to the nation was yet another reminder, through a leaked letter, that the emperor has no clothes; this in the presence of the Chinese leadership.

2. The ability to introspect is not a national strength, but we must face the reality that the continuing drama, as it unfolds, reveals merely the symptoms of a cancer whose roots are embedded in our polity and which has entered the national security system. In a democracy such as ours, the answers will come, not from shrill TV anchors haranguing emotional and intemperate veterans, but from the political leadership.

3. As we seek a panacea, let us examine some facets of this hydra-headed disease.

4. A major contributory factor has been political detachment from and indifference towards matters relating to national security, because this is not an issue that can win or lose votes for the politician. Such is the intensity of political activity in the country that, even with the best intentions, it leaves the Raksha Mantri (RM) inadequate time for Defence and strategic affairs. The writer has often sat across the minister’s table to brief him on an important issue, only to be interrupted by the incessant ringing of his four mobiles and three phones in rapid succession. These were, no doubt, urgent calls relating to the business of Parliament, party or constituency, but once the allotted time was up, one had no choice but to leave the RM’s office, knowing that the Defence secretary would be summoned later to fill in the blanks.

5. The ministry of defence (MoD) is unique, in that it demands of the Minister not just a comprehension of complex security issues and expeditious decision-making, but also frequent interaction with the Military hierarchy. A degree of familiarity with the senior military leadership coupled with some self-assertion would enable the Minister not only to seek their expertise and advice, but also to provide guidance and exercise political supervision with a friendly but firm hand. Unfortunately, such a level of comfort has rarely prevailed in South Block. The armed forces leadership and the country’s political establishment are simply ill at ease with each other, and a yawning chasm has developed between them. This gap is bridged by the bureaucrat, but as we can see, things tend to drift.

6. The politician should have, by now, realised that he is not dealing with British blimps or Prussian herrenvolk, but proletarian Armed Forces. The Indian officer corps is drawn increasingly from the middle and lower strata of the Indian middle class, whose first instinct is to defer to civil political authority. Had the RM and the chiefs established an equation of mutual respect and confidence, the current crisis could have been resolved behind the closed doors of his office. It is now obvious that dialogue in South Block has been taking place first on files and then via the media.

7. The next important factor is the almost total reliance that the RM has, in the current system, on the MoD bureaucracy for advice, routine decision-making, problem resolution and crisis management. While the comfort level in this relationship may be higher, the delegation of “civilian control” to the bureaucracy, while excluding the armed forces from these functions, amounts to dereliction of responsibility by the political establishment.

8. While many accusations against the bureaucracy, of obduracy, stonewalling and even malice, may be overstated, one thing that they have certainly achieved with great deliberation is to stubbornly resist all attempts at change. The writer is currently serving on a task force on national security reform. As the sole relict of a similar task force constituted by the NDA government in 1999, I have an eerie sense of déjà vu as, 13 years down the line, I hear, with a sinking feeling, the same logic and arguments being used to stall yet another attempt at reforms.

9. The estrangement between the service headquarters and MoD has not just created an atmosphere of bitterness and mutual recrimination, but also led to systemic dysfunctionalities. Two examples from the recent controversy are enough to demonstrate the level of stasis. First, in the midst of all the ranting about corruption surrounding the supply of Tatra trucks, no one has thought of asking the MoD why, after importing thousands of these trucks over 40 years, our vast defence-industrial complex has not been able to produce an indigenous version. The ammunition shortages revealed by the army chief’s letter refer to the reserves which the service is supposed to maintain in order to fight a war of 30-45 days’ duration. Since wars do not always give notice of their approach, how is it that the RM, Defence Secretary and Chief did nothing about these shortages all these years?

10. A critical factor, and the root of much of the corruption we see all around, is the fact that political parties, across the board, see the arms import business as a veritable “golden goose” for election funding. This may explain the lackadaisical pursuit of indigenisation as well as corrupt individuals. We have witnessed, since the 1980s, virtually every single major Defence contract getting embroiled in allegations of corruption and kickbacks, often made by commercial rivals. The net result of these controversies is that the modernisation plans of the armed forces have slowed down drastically, and the nation’s capability to produce weapons has stagnated. Dare we hope for a bold political consensus that would declare Defence purchases “holy cows” and off-limits for exploitation?

11. The final factor that needs to be addressed is the steep and calamitous decline in the ethical standards of the armed forces. There is obviously a deep subliminal urge, among officers, to “keep up with the Joneses” in other sections of India’s rapidly prospering society. This has led some of us in the senior hierarchy of the armed forces to adopt ostentatious customs and lifestyles; either by misusing official funds, or by adopting other unethical means. Such is the change in mores that, till it became an overnight “scam”, the owner of a swank Adarsh apartment certainly evoked more admiration than someone living in a downmarket three BHK flat.

12. Blaming this decay on our polity and our society is not a good enough excuse; the armed forces used to be the exemplars of rectitude, ethics and morality for the Indian society. After all, we invented phrases such as “officer-like conduct” and “an officer and a gentleman”. Moreover, the current pay, allowances, perks and pensions allow serving and retired personnel to live in dignity and comfort. It is time for deep introspection at the senior levels of the military. The rot can only be stemmed if we can teach our young officers to develop disdain for filthy lucre and show them, by example, how to live in spartan and soldierly dignity.